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By Sharon LaFraniere, Michael Wines and Edward Wong | The New York Times
October 27, 2011
Political censorship in this authoritarian state has long been heavy-handed. But for years, the Communist Party has tolerated a creeping liberalization in popular culture, tacitly allowing everything from popular knockoffs of "American Idol"-style talent shows to freewheeling microblogs that let media groups prosper and let people blow off steam.
Now, the party appears to be saying "enough."
Whether spooked by popular uprisings worldwide, a coming leadership transition at home or their own citizens' increasingly provocative tastes, Communist leaders are proposing new limits on media and Internet freedoms that include some of the most restrictive measures in years.
The most striking instance occurred Tuesday, when the State Administration of Radio, Film and Television ordered 34 major satellite television stations to limit themselves to no more than two 90-minute entertainment shows each per week, and collectively 10 nationwide. They are also being ordered to broadcast two hours of state-approved news every evening and to disregard audience ratings in their programming decisions. The ministry said the measures, to go into effect on Jan. 1, were aimed at rooting out "excessive entertainment and vulgar tendencies."
The restrictions arrived as party leaders signaled new curbs on China's short-message, Twitter-like microblogs, an Internet sensation that has mushroomed in less than two years into a major -- and difficult to control -- source of whistle-blowing. Microbloggers, some of whom have attracted millions of followers, have been exposing scandals and official malfeasance, including an attempted cover-up of a recent high-speed rail accident, with astonishing speed and popularity.
On Wednesday, the Communist Party's Central Committee called in a report on its annual meeting for an "Internet management system" that would strictly regulate social network and instant-message systems, and punish those who spread "harmful information." The focus of the meeting, held this month, was on culture and ideology.
Analysts and employees inside the private companies that manage the microblogs say party officials are pressing for increasingly strict and swift censorship of unapproved opinions. Perhaps most telling, the authorities are discussing requiring microbloggers to register accounts with their real names and identification numbers instead of the anonymous handles now in wide use.
Although China's most famous bloggers tend to use their own names, requiring everyone to do so would make online whistle-blowing and criticism of officialdom -- two public services not easily duplicated elsewhere -- considerably riskier.
It would "definitely be harmful to free speech," said one microblog editor who refused to be named for fear of reprisal.
This newly buttoned-down approach coincides with a planned shift in the top leadership of the ruling party and government, an intricate process that will last for the next year. During such a period, tolerance for outspokenness outside official channels tends to shrink, and bureaucrats eager for promotion show their conservative stripes.
The crackdown also follows popular uprisings across the Middle East that appear to have given China's leaders pause regarding their own hold on absolute power. In the view of some, it also tracks the influence in China's ruling hierarchy of hard-liners like Zhou Yongkang, the public security chief who helped preside over the suppression of riots by ethnic Uighurs in western China's Xinjiang region.
On Tuesday, Xinhua, the state news agency, reported that Mr. Zhou was urging authorities "to solve problems regarding social integrity, morality and Internet management" and that he had called for "the early introduction of laws and regulations on the management of the Internet," among other things.
Nobody outside China's closeted leadership knows the true reason for the maneuvers, beyond a general and intangible sense of uneasiness over the degree to which freer speech is taking root here.
The microblogs, or weibos, are perhaps the prime example. In the last year, weibos have become the forum of choice for Chinese to pass on news and gossip about scandals involving government and the elite. The two largest, run by the privately held Sina Corporation and Tencent Holdings, each count more than 200 million registered users.
In the face of official censorship, their weibos are filled with salacious tales of official malfeasance, such as a July frenzy -- photographs included -- over a Yunnan Province city official's sex orgy. Industry insiders say the principal weibo (pronounced way-bwah) regulators, based in Beijing and the Shenzhen Communist Party Internet offices, have been assailed by government leaders elsewhere for allowing the scandals to spread online unchecked.
In fact, the government could easily shut down microblogs. Officials disconnected the entire Internet in Xinjiang for 10 months after the ethnic riots there in 2009. But their growing popularity makes that highly unlikely. The number of users has quadrupled in a single year.
Song Jianwu, dean of the school of journalism and communication at China University of Political Science and Law, said Chinese leaders accepted the need for such outlets for expression. But in the case of weibos, he added, "they are also concerned that this safety valve could turn into an explosive device."
He said the government might gradually require more and more users to register under their real names, while demanding that operators monitor posts more closely. "I think they will do it in a step-by-step fashion," he said. "We hope and we have suggested that they will do it in manner that is not antagonistic."
Some changes are already evident. Besides the in-house monitors who already scan posts for forbidden topics, operators in recent months have bolstered "rumor refutal" departments, staffed by editors, to investigate and knock down information deemed false.
Top officials, including Liu Qi, the party secretary of Beijing, have held publicized visits to microblog companies, sometimes accompanied by popular microbloggers, in which he urged people to uphold social order and the proper ideology -- and implying that their own status in official eyes would depend on their cooperation.
State restrictions on television are murkier. The rules ostensibly apply to CCTV-1, the general programming channel of Central China Television, but not to CCTV-3, which specializes in arts and entertainment, according to a report in the English-language edition of Global Times, an official newspaper.
Many people in the industry have interpreted the decree and earlier measures by central officials as attempts to bolster the ratings of CCTV against the onslaught of entertainment shows produced by satellite stations, which have been wildly successful. Last year, officials told producers of "If You Are the One," a popular dating show on Jiangsu Satellite Television, to tone down the program. Last month, the authorities suspended a talent show on Hunan Satellite Television, "Super Girl," for exceeding a broadcast time limit.
Many industry observers said the show may have been offensive for other reasons, including prompting home viewers to show support for their favorite contestants through cellphone texting, an action akin to voting. The shutdown of "Super Girl" was taken as a warning throughout the television industry and presaged the new rules.
Bill Bishop, a business consultant and media industry analyst in Beijing, wrote on his blog, DigiCha, that the new limits could drive television viewers to look for entertainment on the Internet. On the other hand, he added, officials might be preparing restrictions for online video content. "The trend in China appears to be towards more, not less, regulation," he wrote. "Investors may want to consider factoring in greater regulatory risk."
By The Learning Network | The New York Times
October 26, 2011
On Oct. 25, 1971, the United Nations General Assembly voted to admit the People's Republic of China (mainland China) and to expel the Republic of China (Taiwan). The Communist P.R.C. therefore assumed the R.O.C.'s place in the General Assembly as well as its place as one of the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council.
The New York Times, in the Oct. 27 edition, described the reaction at the United Nations: "After the tension and drama of last night, today was spent in efforts at reconciliation and in political introspection and analysis." It also noted, "Secretary General Thant appealed to all members to 'endorse the tremendous step forward' represented by Peking's admission and to set aside suspicion and bitterness."
The Republic of China had been a member of the United Nations from the organization's formation in 1945, at which time it still governed all of China. However, in 1949, the R.O.C. government was expelled from the mainland by the Communist Party, the founders of the People's Republic of China.
Though the R.O.C. only continued to control the island of Taiwan after its expulsion from the mainland, it still considered itself the one true government of China. This view was supported by the Western powers in allowing the R.O.C. to remain China's representative in the United Nations. Their main motive? They wanted to prevent another Communist government from gaining a place in the Security Council.
By 1971, however, the People's Republic had gained enough international support for the U.N. General Assembly to pass the resolution declaring that it, and not the R.O.C., was the rightful representative of China. The resolution specified that it was a "restoration of the lawful rights" to the P.R.C., indicating that the country had been denied its rightful seat since 1949.
The United States, the most significant opponent of the resolution, then argued for the P.R.C. to be admitted separately from the R.O.C., which would have allowed the R.O.C. to retain its spot. The proposal was defeated.
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The Republic of China, which has largely relinquished its claim to mainland China, has continued to fight for a place in the United Nations. Over the years, it has applied to the U.N. under the name "The Republic of China (Taiwan)" and "The Republic of China on Taiwan," but the applications have been denied. The U.S. supports a "one China" policy, which maintains that, though the People's Republic does not hold sovereignty over Taiwan, there is only one China that includes both the mainland and Taiwan. It has not supported Taiwan's applications for membership, objecting to what it perceives as "an effort to change the fragile status quo that has governed relations among the three."
By Annie Huang | Associated Press | via UNCENSORED yahoo!news
October 10, 2011
Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou urged China's government on Monday to pursue democracy and respect his island's self-governance as the two sides mark the centennial of a revolution that ended 2,000 years of imperial Chinese rule.
Both Taiwan and China -- which split amid civil war in 1949 -- commemorate the Oct. 10, 1911, start of an uprising against the Qing dynasty as a seminal event, and both have sought to use the centennial as an opportunity for dialogue.
But Taiwanese authorities have rejected suggestions to jointly host events, fearing that Beijing will use them to highlight its "one-China principle" that places the island under mainland rule.
On the eve of the centenary, Chinese President Hu Jintao made an appeal in Beijing for the two sides to move beyond the history that divides them and work together to achieve a peaceful reunification. Taiwanese are wary of those calls, fearing they may lose their freedoms and democracy if they are reunited.
At a ceremony in front of the presidential office building, Ma said the Beijing government "must not forget the ideals of our founding father and should move boldly toward freedom, democracy and the fair distribution of wealth."
His brief speech was followed by an hourlong arms display in which jet fighters flew in ranks over the spacious square and tanks and missile-carrying trucks rumbled past. Pilots in red jumpsuits parachuted from helicopters in front of Ma.
China's centenary commemorations have had clear political and nationalistic undertones, but Taiwanese public interest in the event has been lukewarm. Most Taiwanese don't want to come under China's control, and don't see the events of 100 years ago as particularly relevant to their future.
The ceremony marks the centennial of an armed uprising led by rebels associated with revolutionary leader Sun Yat-sen on a Qing dynasty garrison. The attack set in motion events that led to the overthrow of imperial rule and raised hopes that China could emerge from more than a century of national humiliation at the hands of foreign powers.
The Republic of China was established after 2 1/2 months. It later fled in disarray to Taiwan in 1949 following the victory of Mao Zedong's Communists over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists in the Chinese civil war.
China regards Taiwan as part of its territory and threatens to invade should it seek formal independence.
Under Ma's initiative, Taiwan has moved closer to China economically but has refused any political dialogue to settle the island's future.
China's president said Sunday that the two sides should work together to achieve the "great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation."
"Achieving reunification by peaceful means best serves the fundamental interests of all Chinese, including our Taiwan compatriots," Hu said.
Ma did not respond to Hu's call, but instead urged China to "respect history and recognize the existence of the Republic of China."
By Marianne Barriaux | Agence France Presse | via UNCENSORED yahoo!news
October 09, 2011
China's President Hu Jintao on Sunday called for Taiwan and the Chinese mainland to reunite, as he marked the 100th anniversary of the revolution that ended the nation's long imperial history.
Speaking at a ceremony attended by top Communist Party leaders -- including former President Jiang Zemin, who made his first public appearance since rumours emerged that he had died -- Hu also ruled out Taiwanese independence.
"Achieving reunification through peaceful means is what most suits Chinese people's fundamental interests, including Taiwan compatriots," he said.
By Ben Blanchard - REUTERS | via UNCENSORED Yahoo! News
Jun 04, 2011
The United States and Taiwan pressed China to release dissidents and fully address the bloody crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations around Tiananmen Square 22 years ago, as China tightens the noose on rights activists.
The 1989 protests that clogged Beijing's Tiananmen Square and spread to other cities remain a taboo topic for the ruling Communist Party, all the more so this year following online calls for an Arab-style "jasmine revolution" in China.
The events of more than two decades ago continue to affect international perceptions of China, now the world's number two economy and increasingly active on the international stage.
The State Department said China must release all those still jailed for their participation in the 1989 protests.
"We ask the Chinese government to provide the fullest possible public accounting of those killed, detained or missing," deputy spokesman Mark Toner said.
At least five people remain in jail for joining the protests.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei, in a statement carried by the official Xinhua news agency, said the U.S. comments "ignored facts and groundlessly accused the Chinese government, (which) is a rude interference in China's internal affairs and its judicial sovereignty."
"We urge the U.S. side to abandon its political bias and rectify wrong practices to avoid disturbing China-U.S. relations."
The president of democratic Taiwan, the island China claims as its own and has never renounced the use of force to recover, said Beijing should follow Taipei's example and reform politically.
"As we look back upon the June 4th incident, we urgently hope the mainland Chinese authorities will have the courage to undertake political reforms and promote the development of freedom, democracy, human rights, and rule of law," President Ma Ying-jeou said in a statement.
On Saturday, Tiananmen Square was packed with tourists as normal, with no obvious signs that already tight security had been stepped up significantly.
Some roads in central Beijing did have greater numbers of police on them. Police checked some cars on at least one section of the city's main interior ring road.
"I didn't agree with the method of the protest, making a disturbance on the square," said a 60-year-old Beijing resident who gave her family name as Chen. "But I think there should be a way for people to express what's on their mind."
FASTING FOR THE DAY
Dissidents said controls over them had been strengthened.
"I can't come out today. I've been kept at home. But I'll be fasting for the day, like I do every June 4 anniversary," said Zhou Duo.
Zhou was one of the four activists in 1989 who negotiated with troops to evacuate Tiananmen Square of student-protesters, avoiding bloodshed on the square itself on June 4. He was later jailed for his role in the protests.
"Of course, sooner or late June 4 will be reassessed and rehabilitated. That's inevitable. History can never be completely erased."
Zhang Xianling, who lost her son in the Tiananmen protests, said she had been allowed out to visit her son's grave, but was being followed and was not allowed to go as a group with other bereaved parents, as she has done in the past.
"It shows that even after all these years, China is still limiting human rights," Zhang said.
Later in the day, tens of thousands are expected to flock to a downtown park in Hong Kong to hold a candlelight vigil that drew about 150 thousand people last year.
Hong Kong, a former British colony that reverted to Chinese rule in 1997 with a promise of a high degree of autonomy, has remained a beacon for the overseas Chinese pro-democracy movement.
After the crackdown, the government called the movement a "counter revolutionary" plot, but has more recently referred to it as a "political disturbance."
Recent unrest in Inner Mongolia and explosions in two provinces sparked by social grievances have also ruffled authorities as the leadership prepares to hand over power to a new generation at a Party Congress next year.
"Traditionally in the one to two years before any Party congress, the leadership is very stubborn about maintaining law and order," said Willy Lam, a Hong Kong-based China watcher.
(Additional reporting by Chris Buckley, Ken Wills and K.J. Kwon in Beijing, Paul Eckert in Washington, James Pomfret and Xavier Ng in Hong Kong, and Jonathan Standing in Taipei; Editing by Robert Birsel)
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